OPPOSING THE DECISION TO END CERTAIN UNITED STATES EFFORTS TO PREVENT TURKISH MILITARY OPERATIONS AGAINST SYRIAN KURDISH FORCES IN NORTHEAST SYRIA

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OPPOSING THE DECISION TO END CERTAIN UNITED STATES EFFORTS TO PREVENT

TURKISH MILITARY OPERATIONS AGAINST SYRIAN KURDISH FORCES IN NORTHEAST

SYRIA

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the

joint resolution (\[H.J. Res. 77\](https://www.congress.gov/bill/116th-congress/house-joint-resolution/77)) opposing the decision to end certain

United States efforts to prevent Turkish military operations against

Syrian Kurdish forces in Northeast Syria.

The Clerk read the title of the joint resolution.

The text of the joint resolution is as follows:

\[H.J. Res. 77\](https://www.congress.gov/bill/116th-congress/house-joint-resolution/77)

Whereas thousands of Syrian fighters, including Syrian

Kurds, fought courageously with the United States against the

brutality of ISIS throughout Syria, liberating nearly one-

third of Syrian territory from ISIS' so-called

\\\`\\\`caliphate.'';

Whereas, on October 6, 2019, the White House announced

\\\`\\\`Turkey will soon be moving forward with its long-planned

operation into Northern Syria'' while the \\\`\\\`United States

Armed Forces will not support or be involved in the

operation, and United States forces . . . will no longer be

in the immediate area.'';

Whereas, on October 6, 2019, the White House announced

\\\`\\\`Turkey will now be responsible for all ISIS fighters in the

area captured over the past two years . . . .'';

Whereas an October 10, 2019, White House statement said,

\\\`\\\`This morning, Turkey, a NATO member, invaded Syria. The

United States does not endorse this attack and has made it

clear to Turkey that this operation is a bad idea.'';

Whereas Turkey has historically threatened, forcibly

displaced, and killed Syrian Kurds, including during military

operations in the Afrin District;

Whereas, on August 1, 2019, Special Envoy James Jeffrey

stated in reference to the Syrian Kurds and Syrian Democratic

Forces (SDF), \\\`\\\`We are committed to defeating ISIS in

northeast Syria. The SDF . . . is our partner there. We are

committed to those who have fought with us not being attacked

and not being harmed by anyone. The President made that clear

publicly. That includes our concerns about the Turks.'';

Whereas in January 2019, Director of National Intelligence

Dan Coats stated in Congressional testimony that \\\`\\\`The

conflicts in Iraq and Syria have generated a large pool of

skilled and battle-hardened fighters who remain dispersed

throughout the region . . . and the group has returned to its

guerilla-warfare roots while continuing to plot attacks and

direct its supporters worldwide. ISIS is intent on

resurging.'';

Whereas, during the counter-ISIS campaign in Syria, the SDF

captured thousands of ISIS fighters, including foreign

terrorist fighters from around the world who pose threats to

our allies in the region;

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Whereas in addition to ISIS fighters in detention

approximately 70,000 women and children are currently held at

the Al-Hol internally displaced persons camp and at other

camps in northeast Syria;

Whereas the Lead Inspector General for Combined Joint Task

Force Operation Inherent Resolve stated in August 2019, ISIS

is already \\\`\\\`seeking to establish safe haven in al-Hol''

aiming to recruit individuals who are \\\`\\\`susceptible to ISIS

messaging, coercion, and enticement.'';

Whereas the SDF has warned the United States and

international community that a Turkish incursion into

Northeast Syria would significantly decrease the SDF's

ability to combat ISIS and to continue providing security and

management for ISIS detainees and their family members;

Whereas, on October 6, 2019, President Trump conducted a

call with President Erdogan in which, according to the

official White House press release, they discussed the

upcoming Turkish incursion, and soon after this call, a White

House press release announced the withdrawal of the United

States military from the immediate area, which was completed

within hours; and

Whereas an abrupt withdrawal of United States military

personnel from certain parts of Northeast Syria is beneficial

to adversaries of the United States government, including

Syria, Iran, and Russia: Now, therefore, be it

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the

United States of America in Congress assembled, That

Congress--

(1) opposes the decision to end certain United States

efforts to prevent Turkish military operations against Syrian

Kurdish forces in Northeast Syria;

(2) calls on Turkish President Erdogan to immediately cease

unilateral military action in Northeast Syria and to respect

existing agreements relating to Syria;

(3) calls on the United States to continue supporting

Syrian Kurdish communities through humanitarian support,

including to those displaced or otherwise affected by ongoing

violence in Syria;

(4) calls on the United States to work to ensure that the

Turkish military acts with restraint and respects existing

agreements relating to Syria; and

(5) calls on the White House to present a clear and

specific plan for the enduring defeat of ISIS.

The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentleman from New

York (Mr. Engel) and the gentleman from Texas (Mr. McCaul) each will

control 20 minutes.

The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New York.

General Leave

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may

have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and

include extraneous material on \[H.J. Res. 77\](https://www.congress.gov/bill/116th-congress/house-joint-resolution/77).

The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the

gentleman from New York?

There was no objection.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, since the beginning of this Congress, when I became

chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee, I have tried to work across the

aisle to advance a bipartisan vision of what American foreign policy

should be, what it can be, when we are at our best. And that is a

foreign policy rooted in our values--values like support for human

rights and human dignity, a foreign policy that projects American

leadership as a force for good in the world, a foreign policy that

thrives on the power of partnerships and alliances.

I have worked with my friend from Texas, the ranking member of the

Foreign Affairs Committee (Mr. McCaul) to make sure that this vision is

enshrined in the committee's work and that we do all we can to push the

administration toward this approach.

So, Mr. Speaker, for me, the last week has been just devastating. A

week ago, President Trump had a phone call with Turkey's thuggish

leader, President Erdogan.

Against the advice of national security experts and military

advisers, the President gave Erdogan the green light to charge into

northern Syria, unleashing what has become a brutal campaign of

violence against the Syrian Kurds--our partners, the Syrian Kurds, who

courageously stood alongside us for many, many months and years in the

fight against ISIS.

Mr. Speaker, that reckless and impulsive decision was a betrayal of

our partners. It was a gift to Russia, a gift to Iran, a gift to ISIS,

and a gift to Assad. And it was a blow to our national security.

Now, a week later, the same Kurdish forces who fought with American

Special Forces to combat ISIS are now fighting tooth and nail to

survive Turkey's slaughter. Russian and Syrian regime forces have

quickly filled the vacuum left by the United States.

President Trump's decision has allowed ISIS fighters in northern

Syria to escape from prison, paving the way for a resurgence of the

terrorist group. It is a \\\`\\\`Get Out of Jail Free'' card, if you remember

Monopoly from the old days.

And the humanitarian crisis is staggering. Already, tens of thousands

have been displaced: families, women and children. There are stories of

gruesome beheadings, torture, and abuse, all set into motion,

unfortunately, by the actions of the President of the United States.

What kind of message does this send to the world? How can America be

trusted to keep its word when we betray one of our close partners, our

loyal and faithful partners, just throw them out like an old shoe?

How can America be trusted to keep its word when we make impulsive

decisions that have such an immediate, catastrophic impact on so many

thousands of people?

Congress must speak out against this disgrace.

The measure we are considering today will send an unambiguous,

bipartisan, and, hopefully, bicameral rejection of Trump's policy in

Syria.

This measure calls on the White House to develop a strong, clear

strategy on how to defeat ISIS now that President Trump has sparked its

resurgence. It expresses strong support for Syrian Kurdish forces,

recognizing their commitment and sacrifices in the fight against ISIS.

And it calls on Turkey to immediately stop its military action in

Syria.

At President Trump's hands, American leadership has been laid low and

American foreign policy has become nothing more than a tool to advance

his own interests.

Today, we make clear that the Congress is a coequal branch of

government and that we want nothing to do with this disastrous policy.

So, Mr. Speaker, I say to our colleagues: It is on us. It is on us to

uphold our country's values, to strengthen our national security, to

defend America's standing in the world.

Mr. Speaker, I call on all Members, on both sides of the aisle, to

support this resolution and make it clear where we stand, and I reserve

the balance of my time.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to first begin with thanking Chairman Engel

for his bipartisan work to craft legislation in response to this week's

developments.

We often say in our committee that politics stops at the water's

edge. And, in this time of crisis, I am proud to work with him to lead

the most bipartisan committee in the Congress.

Today may be a dark day, but it would be much darker if we were

divided instead of standing united.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this joint resolution. Simply put,

the catastrophe that has unfolded in Syria over the past 10 days is

almost beyond words.

I am concerned about the extreme, long-term damage this has caused

the United States interests in the Middle East and to the Syrian

people, including the Kurds.

The United States has worked for years to prevent an armed conflict

between our NATO ally Turkey and our Syrian Kurdish partners. Our

presence in Syria was critical to countering and defeating ISIS, and,

until last week, it helped prevent unnecessary bloodshed.

Working with the Syrian Democratic Forces, the U.S. and our coalition

partners eliminated ISIS' control of territory in Syria and were

continuing to fight ISIS insurgents.

I understand the administration's legitimate concerns about engaging

our U.S. forces in long-term military operations. I, too, want to wind

down our overseas conflicts and bring our troops home. But, leaving

northwest Syria now does not resolve the problem that brought us there

in the first place; it only creates more.

We need a residual force in place. The consequences of this decision

have already unfolded before our very eyes. We have betrayed the trust

of our Kurdish partners who fought bravely with us against ISIS to

defeat and destroy the caliphate, and they paid a heavy price in

thousands of lives lost.

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We must remember that Turkey's offensive affects not only Kurds but

also the people of northeastern Syria. So far, dozens of civilians have

been killed and over 160,000 people have been displaced.

Islamic State prisoners, Jihadists and affiliates, are already

breaking free, reversing our hard-fought gains to defeat these

dangerous terrorists.

And, now, our Syrian Kurdish partners have struck a deal with the

Syrian regime. This gives Assad and his Russian and Iranian backers

more territory and opportunity to advance their destabilizing agendas,

including their war on the Syrian people.

{time} 1315

My colleague Eliot Engel and I drafted this resolution to show that

we do not support this decision by the administration and to call on

Turkey to end this destructive campaign in Syria.

We urge the United States to support the affected communities of

northeast Syria, including the Kurds. We call upon the administration

to support our Kurdish partners and stand with them just like they have

stood with us for so long.

Given the grave implications that an ISIS resurgence would have for

our homeland security, we call on the administration to provide an

updated counter-ISIS strategy.

I do support the administration's decision to impose sanctions on key

Turkish officials and make clear that there are more consequences for

continuing this invasion. But more pressure is needed.

Congress is only just beginning its work to repair the damage this

decision has caused. Chairman Engel and I are working together on a

bipartisan bill to sanction Turkey for as long as it continues this

destructive offensive. I look forward to working with the chairman to

bring this bill to the floor as soon as possible.

I urge all Members to support this joint resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Rhode

Island (Mr. Cicilline), a valued member of the Foreign Affairs

Committee.

Mr. CICILLINE. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for yielding.

I rise today with a heavy heart. Ten days ago, President Trump sealed

the fate of our Kurdish partners in Syria when he gave President

Erdogan of Turkey the green light to invade.

I believe this callous and reckless decision will go down in history

not only for its disregard for human life but for the strategic

malpractice of placing American troops in harm's way, allowing

thousands of ISIS prisoners to go free, and ceding influence over the

region to Russia and the Assad regime. It was truly an unbelievably

dangerous and stupid decision that undermines our national security and

diminishes our moral authority in the world.

I am pleased that this resolution has widespread bipartisan support.

We need to pass it and get it on the President's desk as quickly as

possible.

But resolutions--and sanctions, when they come--can't bring Kurdish

children back to life. They can't reclaim our American military

positions and equipment seized by the Russians. They can't restore our

credibility, which has been squandered as we have betrayed the trust of

our Kurdish allies.

I am sickened by this administration's actions. We need to do

everything we can, as a Congress, to make this right.

I urge my colleagues to support this bipartisan resolution. I thank

Mr. McCaul and Mr. Engel for working together, in a bipartisan way, to

send a very strong message that the Congress of the United States does

not support this horrific decision that betrayed our allies and

undermines American leadership in the world.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from

Texas (Mr. Hurd).

Mr. HURD of Texas. Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for yielding.

I am proud to rise today in support of this bipartisan resolution

that opposes this disastrous decision to remove U.S. Forces from

northern Syria and abandon our allies, the Kurds, to a Turkish

invasion.

Since 2014, the U.S. and our allies in the global coalition to defeat

ISIS have fought side by side with the Kurds to end the caliphate and

degrade the threat of terrorism to our homeland.

Today, ISIS is beaten, but it is not broken. They remain a threat

that requires continued engagement by both the United States and our

partners.

Just as the Kurds had our backs against ISIS, we need to have theirs.

Instead, we are abandoning not just the Kurds but also our coalition

allies in Syria. We are eroding all the progress we have made. We are

showing our friends and our enemies that a partnership with America

means nothing.

We are providing ISIS with the opportunity to reemerge and once again

threaten the United States. We are allowing Bashar al-Assad and

Vladimir Putin to play the role of humanitarian saviors in Syria.

As an undercover CIA officer, I chased terrorists around the globe

and saw firsthand the threats facing our Nation from the Middle East.

One of the things I learned when I was in the CIA was to be nice with

nice guys and tough with tough guys, not the other way around.

Because of this decision, and all the actions and inactions that led

up to this decision, we have let our friends down; we have hurt our

national security; and we have ceded leadership in the region to Russia

and Iran.

I hope we can change our course, but I fear it may be too late.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from

Massachusetts (Mr. Moulton).

Mr. MOULTON. Mr. Speaker, right now, with President Trump's

permission, Turkey is slaughtering our Kurdish allies, the only people

who stand between us and ISIS, men and women who have died by the

thousands to protect Americans from terrorism, the families of our

American constituents, like Seyhmus Yuksekkaya from my district.

As a result, Russian and Syrian forces are taking our positions next

to them. ISIS prisoners are escaping, and, Mr. Speaker, the crisis has

only just begun.

We must act today because the President has taken the side of

dictators and butchers. The President has never put his life on the

line for our country, like our Special Forces soldiers who have been

fighting terrorists in Syria, whom he mocked earlier today by saying

they are shooting each other.

Perhaps if he had not dodged the draft by lying about his feet,

sending another American in his place to Vietnam, he would know

something that all veterans know well, that there are a lot of ways you

can fail in battle. You can fail physically. You can fail to summon the

mental courage. You can have a bad strategy or bad tactics. But nothing

is worse, nothing is more evil, than betrayal.

Yet, betrayal is exactly what this President has done. It sends

exactly the wrong message to our allies, to our troops, and to our

enemies.

Our Commander in Chief should lead with American values. He should

lead by the idea that there is no better friend and no worse enemy than

the United States of America.

Today's vote is necessary because there has been no worse enemy to

the Kurds and no better friend to our enemies than this President.

The SPEAKER pro tempore. Members are reminded to refrain from

engaging in personalities toward the President.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from

Arkansas (Mr. Hill).

Mr. HILL of Arkansas. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend from Texas (Mr.

McCaul) and my friend from New York (Mr. Engel) for their leadership on

this issue and the Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. Speaker, let me be clear: I did not support the failed Obama-

Kerry policy in Syria. During 2017 and 2018, I was proud to see

President Trump hold Assad accountable for his use of chemical weapons.

However, I have not supported the United States disengaging from

Syria without a strategy since such was first proposed by the President

in December.

So I rise in disappointment today over this policy change and

Turkey's violations of all of its \\\`\\\`promises.''

A small group of American Forces in northeast Syria advising and

assisting local forces in order to prevent instability from coming to

power does not constitute an \\\`\\\`endless war.''

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Despite being in NATO, Turkey is not acting as an ally. By our

actions in this House today, Turkey will pay a steep price for its

provocation.

I have been told by experts with contacts on the ground that American

lives are at risk directly because of Turkish actions. U.S. Forces have

been shelled by Turkish artillery. Our NATO ally since 1952, Turkey,

which we allowed to conduct this mission, has thanked us by shelling

American positions.

What a sad day for the Atlantic alliance that has shouldered so many

burdens and shared so much loss in men and treasure.

Syrian Kurds also announced that they had come to an agreement with

the Assad regime's forces to help against the Turkish invasion, which

further entrenches Russia, Mr. Speaker, in this conflict. So now Assad

and his Russian backers will bring their bloodbath over the Euphrates.

We also put all the gains we have made against Daesh at risk of

reversal.

This all could have been avoided. Mr. Speaker, when critical American

leadership disengages, America's global adversaries fill the void.

Turkey must cease its military invasion of Syria. The United States

must support the Kurdish communities that have been our allies against

ISIS. And the White House must present a clear and specific plan for

ensuring the defeat of ISIS and border integrity with Turkey.

I urge all of my colleagues to support the passage of this important

legislation.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas

(Mr. Castro), the vice chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. CASTRO of Texas. Mr. Speaker, we are in the midst of a foreign

policy disaster that will be a stain on the conscience of our Nation

for many years to come. The situation in Syria is costing lives as we

speak.

Until recently, our strategy to defeat ISIS by, through, and with our

allies was working. Our small military presence in Syria was a

sustainable force that denied ISIS the ability to plan and launch

attacks from Syria or resurge back into Iraq.

The President's impulsive decision to leave Syria without any

deliberation has ignited a conflict in one of the most volatile regions

on Earth. This administration has managed to turn our Middle East

policy on its head in a week's time.

Turkey is slaughtering the Kurdish forces that have fought and died

on our behalf in the fight against ISIS. In our place, Syria and Russia

have quickly filled the void of American leadership.

We have betrayed our allies. This is not a foreign policy that

displays America's core values. It is a shameful choice that will cause

irreparable damage to American interests and alliances around the

world.

I believe this joint resolution is what we need in this moment to

combat this President's worst instincts. The joint resolution will

rebuke the White House and attempt to rebalance the situation in Syria.

I urge all of my colleagues, Republican and Democrat, to support it.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New

York (Mr. Reed).

Mr. REED. Mr. Speaker, I thank the ranking member and the chairman

for their work on this proposed resolution. But I want to remind my

colleagues that one of the problems that we face in Turkey and Syria

today is the failure of congressional leadership to address this issue.

When I stood on this very floor during the Obama administration and

the question of Syria came up, I remember many of my colleagues

agreeing with me that we should not be in Syria with boots on the

ground, risking our most precious assets of our young men and women,

without a clear Authorization for Use of Military Force and

congressional approval of a resolution to do so.

We failed in the leadership here in this body. That is why, as we go

through this resolution, I understand the Turkish sanctions. I

understand. But make no mistake about it, by voting \\\`\\\`yes'' on this

resolution, you are authorizing the use of military force of our men

and women on Syrian soil.

If force needs to be redeployed to this area, I do not want to hear

from any Member of this Chamber, nor the Senate, that we have not

authorized our men and women to be there.

It is time for us to set aside political cowardice because we cannot

make the hard choices of approving a military force resolution. We

should join and unite--the House, the Senate, and the White House--in

one congressional declaration that we, if we put our men and women in

harm's way, stand by it and stand by the Commander in Chief in regard

to that request.

{time} 1330

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from

Colorado (Mr. Crow).

Mr. CROW. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the distinguished chair and

ranking member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr. Engel and Mr.

McCaul, for their leadership in crafting this joint resolution

condemning the administration's decision to withdraw and abandon our

Kurdish allies in Syria and leave them to an unlawful assault by

Turkish forces.

As a combat veteran, I know firsthand the strength of our Nation is

tied to our partnerships and alliances around the globe. During my

three deployments to Iraq and Afghanistan, I counted on our local

partners for the safety of our soldiers. And those partners depended on

the U.S. commitment to them. That relationship forged in a combat zone

is built on trust and the belief that our word is our bond.

The administration's reckless decision to withdraw U.S. forces has

undermined the value of our commitment, not only to our Kurdish allies,

who are now isolated in fighting enemies on all sides, but also our

other allies around the world. The message that we are sending is that

the American handshake doesn't matter. Our withdrawal is an abdication

of our moral responsibility to the Kurds and undermines the belief that

America is a resolute partner. It has also led to our adversaries like

Russia, Iran, the Assad regime, and ISIS exerting greater influence in

the region.

Let me be clear, the President's decision makes us less safe and

further isolates us from the very allies from whom we have drawn so

much strength. The President must immediately reverse his decision to

withdraw U.S. personnel from Syria, recommit to our Kurdish allies, and

take a firm stance against any further aggression by Turkey against the

Kurdish people.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from

Florida (Mr. Gaetz).

Mr. GAETZ. Mr. Speaker, if Turkey is not acting like a NATO ally,

perhaps the sensible solution is to remove Turkey from NATO, rather

than keeping the United States inserted in Syria, presumably forever.

This is why I oppose this resolution.

I have heard my colleagues say we should not leave Syria without a

strategy. Perhaps it is equally logical that we should not stay in

Syria without a strategy, because in Syria we have tens of Americans

stuck between armies of tens of thousands who have been fighting each

other for hundreds of years and who will likely be fighting each other

hundreds of years from now.

Our mission to deprive ISIS of caliphate land has largely been

accomplished with the help of the Kurds and with over $9 billion being

paid to the Kurds. The Kurds have been fighting bravely where they

live, but they have been trained, funded, and equipped by the United

States. And we cannot accept the proposition that if we support a group

of people because our interests align in one case that this somehow

morally binds our country to every conflict that they have past,

present, or future; to do this would constrain the utility of America's

future alliances, not strengthen them.

The blood of America's patriots is among our Nation's most sacred

currency, and it must be spent only when absolutely vital to protect

American interests. We are not the world's police force. We are not the

world's piggy bank. I support an America first foreign policy, and I

oppose this resolution.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I now yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from

California (Mr. Sherman), the chairman of the Subcommittee on Asia, the

Pacific, and Nonproliferation, a very senior and valued member of the

House Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. SHERMAN. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the resolution, and I

rise in

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opposition to the recent decision of the Trump administration.

We had a situation in Syria that was stable. We had a modest

deployment of American troops. We were successful in limiting American

casualties to a very low number. We had defeated the caliphate. Our

friends, the Kurds, who had incurred most of the deaths by the many

thousands necessary to destroy the ISIS caliphate, were safe. In other

words, the situation was stable and favorable to the United States.

Now we have taken an action in which America is humiliated, the Kurds

are subject to slaughter, our word means less in the world, and ISIS

stands to be revitalized. This is such an obvious mistake. It is hard

to find anyone with any knowledge of foreign policy that regards it as

anything other than an unforced error. It is such a great mistake that

it makes you wonder whether it was an intentional mistake designed to

give Russia territory in northeast Syria, for whatever reason we might

want to do that.

It is time to reevaluate our policies toward Turkey. Since the 1940s,

we have safeguarded Turkey through our membership in NATO and theirs.

We protected Turkey from subversion in the 1940s and protected it from

the Soviet Union for decades. Recently, over the last 20 years, we have

had a policy of obsequious humiliation in our approach to Turkey. We

have kowtowed to Ankara in failing to recognize the Armenian genocide.

In doing so, we have taken a foreign policy normally based on truth

and honor, and instead, humiliated ourselves through silence and

concealment. It is time to recognize the Armenian genocide by an

overwhelming vote here in the House. It is time for us to stop dishonor

in our relationship with Turkey.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from

Illinois (Mr. Shimkus).

Mr. SHIMKUS. Mr. Speaker, it is great to come down here today and

talk on this issue. I have been a little bit outspoken since the

decision was made by the executive branch, so it is great to see the

legislative branch take a stand and talk about what this policy

decision has made. And I am good friends with Chairman McCaul and, of

course, Eliot Engel who is the chairman of the committee.

As someone who served for many years in the military, and I am very

involved with the NATO Parliamentary Assembly and our alliances--

alliances and values are important. Walking away from friends is the

sad indication of policy that we don't want to support, we don't want

to condone. Yes, we want America to be great, but we are also great

because of our friends and our allies.

Coalitions are not bad. Coalitions strengthen our public policy

around the world. And our relationship with the Kurds goes way back to

the first Gulf war and the protection of the northern Iraqi Kurdish

area protecting the air space.

Talk to people in uniform who have been protected by Kurdish fighters

throughout these 20 years of involvement in Syria. We give them our

word that we will be with them. I liken it to being in a foxhole with

someone from another country, and the attack is coming. You don't get

out of the foxhole and go to the rear and leave your ally in the

foxhole to defend themselves.

We see what is going on. I think this could have been predicted. It

is unfortunate. I don't know how we get the genie back in the bottle,

but I am glad we are getting a chance to make a statement from Article

I of the Constitution to the legislative branch that we think this

policy has been wrong and failed and we do it in a strong bipartisan

matter.

So I thank both of you for bringing this, and I look forward to

voting \\\`\\\`yes'' on it.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from

Florida (Ms. Frankel).

Ms. FRANKEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of our Syrian Kurdish

allies who have lost thousands of men and women in the fight against

ISIS at the behest of the United States of America.

And I join my colleagues on a bipartisan basis to call on Turkey to

end its invasion of northern Syria. Giving Turkey the green light to go

into this area will go down in history as a moral and strategic

disaster.

There so many consequences, Mr. Speaker. Our Kurdish friends were

betrayed and slaughtered and are now forced to align with Syrian forces

backed by Iran creating an even bigger threat to our friend Israel.

ISIS is now unleashed, Russian troops filling our vacuum, and our other

allies wondering if we can ever be trusted again.

The Trump administration's weak sanctions are like an arsonist

calling in the fire department. Mr. Speaker, we must protect United

States soldiers, secure our nuclear weapons in Turkey, provide

humanitarian support to the Kurds, and impose crippling sanctions on

Turkey until they end their Syrian campaign, and most importantly,

pursue a diplomatic solution to end the conflict.

I want to end by thanking Mr. Engel and Ranking Member McCaul for

their bipartisan leadership. I urge adoption of this resolution.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, in the years I have served in this body, I have watched

Presidents of both parties make a lot of tough foreign policy

decisions; many good, many bad, but I cannot think of a foreign policy

decision more reckless and short-sighted than this one. Through all the

years that I have been working on the Foreign Affairs Committee,

frankly, I have never seen a President do something that is as

aggravating and that should have never been done as what the President

did last week.

You know, when the President announced that we were going to leave

several months ago, it forced the resignation of the Defense Secretary,

Mr. Mattis at the time, who was so upset. That was unprecedented in

American history. This is something that is unbelievable and could have

been avoided.

Mr. Speaker, I now yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr.

Hoyer), the majority leader.

Mr. HOYER. Mr. Speaker, I love my 1 minute. I also love my glasses,

so I can read what I want to say here. Thank you very much. I rushed up

from my office. I was on a conference call. Thank you, Mr. Chairman,

for keeping it open.

I want to thank Mr. McCaul for helping to bring this to the floor.

Mr. Speaker, Americans, of course, knew when President Trump took

office that he was inexperienced in foreign policy and national

security. That doesn't mean he didn't have opinions, he did. But he

hasn't been in the day-to-day work. That was alarming. But also from my

view, alarming is his penchant for putting his own self interests ahead

of America's interests and America's national security. That troubles

the world.

The disastrous consequences are becoming obvious to Americans more

and more each day as we watch thousands of our Kurdish allies. And this

is not an issue without some complexity, I understand that, but our

Kurdish allies fleeing, ISIS gathering strength, and Iran and Russia

and Assad advantaged.

There has rightly been broad bipartisan shock and condemnation that

President Trump would so recklessly endanger America's allies, permit

the release of thousands of violent ISIS extremists and give in to

Vladimir Putin's aims in Syria.

In short, he just opened the door for ISIS to reclaim some power.

Any terrorist attack they now take part in will be as a direct result

of this action. President Trump has betrayed the trust, in my opinion,

of the American people. He has also betrayed America's friends.

The Kurdish forces in northern Syria have been among America's most

reliable and effective local allies. It was their blood and sacrifice

that led, in part, to us being significantly successful against ISIS.

It is their young men and women in uniform who have been guarding ISIS

prisoners, who, if released, have vowed to resume attacking Americans

and destabilizing the Middle East. And in that effort, we may lose

further American lives precious to us, precious to their families,

precious to our country.

Our Kurdish allies trusted us to have their backs. Loyalty is a two-

way street. It took years to build them into an effective fighting

force, now America is turning its back and undoing

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years of efforts and progress. How shameful. How irresponsible.

The President said he took this action because he had pledged to get

American troops out of the Middle East.

{time} 1345

Ironically, he took out about 2,000, or put them someplace else. And

guess what? He sent an additional 2,000 troops to the Middle East. Now,

it is Saudi Arabia, where ISIS is not, hopefully, doing much, at least

where we are sending the troops. But how ironic it is to say that we

are going to take troops out of the Middle East, and at the same time,

we send more troops into the Middle East.

America's reputation as a world leader depends on the bond of our

word. Can we be trusted, or are we simply responsive that day for that

issue?

If we abandon our allies, we will have none when we need them to

stand with us.

Not only has President Trump abandoned the Kurds, but he has also

refused to join with world leaders in considering the Turkish attack in

the United Nations.

Instead, he chose to stand with Vladimir Putin and is doing his

bidding once again by handing large swaths of Syria over to his

control. He is moving in as we speak.

Indeed, as the front page of The Washington Post pointed out this

week, Russia is now the one country that every country in the Middle

East talks to and trusts to be a mediator.

Is that an America that is great? America has abandoned that role and

the power it brings.

President Trump has also chosen to stand with Bashar al-Assad, as I

said, a tyrant who has gassed his own people with chemical weapons,

murdered hundreds of thousands of innocent civilians, and caused the

extraordinary refugee challenge that the Europeans have.

He has chosen to play into the hands of the Iranian ayatollahs. The

President says Iran is not our friend. He is right. We played into

their hands with this action.

In summary, Mr. Speaker, the President's actions empower ISIS, betray

our Kurdish allies, embolden Russia, reward the Assad regime, benefit

Iran, and endanger Israel.

These developments were sadly predictable.

Experts like Brett McGurk and Secretary Mattis said this is not the

right thing to do.

This is not a partisan issue. This is about America. This is about

our allies. This is about international security and stability.

From the moment the President made clear he wanted to abandon

America's strategic interests in Syria, both McGurk and General Mattis,

Secretary Mattis, expressed their opposition.

These developments confirm the worst fears of so many Americans from

both parties who have long questioned this President's wisdom or

interest to protect our country and keep it safe in a dangerous world.

It is critical, Mr. Speaker, that this House, the peoples' House,

make clear to the world that President Trump's reckless actions do not

carry the support of the American people. It is critical that we

condemn Turkey's incursion as well, and to do so in a bipartisan way.

That is what this legislation will do.

Mr. Speaker, I commend all of those from the Foreign Affairs

Committee who brought this to the floor. I know it was difficult for

some, but it is the right thing to do.

The House will do everything in its power to reassure our allies and

remind our adversaries that America does not cut and run, that we stand

by our word, hold true to our values, and stand with our friends.

I hope they will hear us and understand that this action by this

President must not mar the goodwill or erode the steadfast principles

upon which our country has engaged with the world throughout our

history and surely again in the future.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote \\\`\\\`yes.''

The SPEAKER pro tempore. Members are reminded to refrain from

engaging in personalities toward the President.

Mr. McCAUL. Mr. Speaker, I have no more speakers, and I yield myself

the balance of my time.

This is one of those rare moments in Congress when we see both sides

coming together, exercising our Article I constitutional

responsibilities on foreign policy. I can't think of a better committee

than this, the Foreign Affairs Committee, to stand unified as a

Congress.

This is not just the House, Mr. Speaker. This is a joint resolution

with the Senate. This is going to pass the House and the Senate,

sending a strong message about our foreign policy.

I believe that we learn from history. The National Archives has an

inscription that says, \\\`\\\`What is past is prologue.'' You see, history

repeats itself, and we need to learn the lessons from history.

I remember after we withdrew out of Europe after World War I, it

allowed the forces of Nazi Germany and Adolf Hitler to raise its ugly

head, and it took the Marshall Plan to finally put an end to it.

Then as recently as 2011, in the previous administration, President

Obama pulled 10,000 troops out of Iraq. My side of the aisle strongly

objected to that foreign policy decision, arguing that it would create

a wave of terrorism, and we were right. ISIS reared its ugly head, and

the caliphate was formed.

Mr. Speaker, you and I served on the Homeland Security Committee. In

the years 2015 to 2016, the terror threat was frightening. My threat

briefings were frightening in the SCIF.

External operations being plotted out of Iraq and Syria to kill

Americans in the United States, almost one per month, we stopped 95

percent of those threats. The 5 percent is what the American people

know about.

But I will tell you this--from that experience, have not we learned

anything?--that we need a residual force, if anything, to protect the

homeland from terror threats.

Now we have over 10,000 ISIS in-country and over 70,000 family

members that are there as part of the insurgency. We had over 30,000 at

the time of the peak of the ISIS caliphate. And we can't go back.

I am concerned, Mr. Speaker, that this move will embolden the

Russians. The Russians have already gone to our military's campsites

and mocked us. They are mocking the United States of America. Iran is

there, and ISIS is now emboldened.

We need a residual force to protect us, as we had in Iraq. We need

that in Syria, and, yes, we need that in Afghanistan. We can wind down

the number of troops, but we need that residual force.

Mr. Speaker, I want to close by saying that I will never forget

talking to Condoleezza Rice after she retired at Stanford, and she said

that one axiom is true in foreign policy: Your allies must trust you.

Our allies are questioning us right now. We told them, \\\`\\\`Trust us. We

have your back.''

What is happening now, the Kurds are being slaughtered as I speak in

northern Syria.

She also said another thing: Our allies must trust us, and our

enemies must fear us.

That is my foreign policy. It is Condoleezza Rice's foreign policy. I

think it is a good foreign policy.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for working with me to stand up on

this very important issue.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from

Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).

Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, let me thank the chairman and ranking

member for coming together.

I was on the floor earlier, and I held up The New York Times that

says: \\\`\\\`Syrian Forces Rush Into U.S. Void,'' and, \\\`\\\`Battle Lines

Shifting to the Benefit of Iran, Russia and ISIS.''

We worked very hard to get Turkey into NATO and to respect it for its

secular position and its embracing of the ideals of democracy, but to

now be the cause of thousands fleeing out of violence and bombing, now

being the cause of ISIS supporters and families escaping, now being the

cause of ISIS fighters escaping, and not listening to any form of

reconciliation to put Russia as the mainstay is absolutely

unacceptable.

I believe that these sanctions and this rebuke and this resolution

that

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has indicated it was wrong to green-light the Turkish military

incursion into Syria's Kurdish territory, expressing strong support for

Syrian Kurdish forces who were our allies, and calling on Turkey to

immediately cease military action in northeast Syria is a question of

our national security.

I add that there should be a no-fly zone. I know how challenging that

would be for Turkey not to be flying over northern Syria.

It is important that we do what we need to do to save the precious

lives of those children, some of whom have already died, and those who

are fleeing the violence.

Mr. Speaker, let us pass this resolution, \[H.J. Res. 77\](https://www.congress.gov/bill/116th-congress/house-joint-resolution/77), but let us

find a way to bring some peace and stand down in that region, and also

to thank the United States military, which should not have been moved.

I ask my colleagues to support \[H.J. Res. 77\](https://www.congress.gov/bill/116th-congress/house-joint-resolution/77).

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, in closing, I yield myself as much time as I

may consume.

Mr. Speaker, as I mentioned before, in the years I have served in

this body, I have watched Presidents of both parties make a lot of

tough foreign policy decisions, many good, many bad, but I cannot think

of a foreign policy decision more reckless and shortsighted than this

one that was made by President Trump.

The President of the United States, as a result, has empowered ISIS;

betrayed our loyal partners, the Kurds; and jeopardized our national

security.

Congress must condemn this loudly and clearly. Today's resolution

sends a resounding message to the White House and the world: We reject

President Trump's disgraceful failure in foreign policy.

Mr. Speaker, I urge all Members to stand by our partners, stand by

our promises, stand by our values, and support this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I commend my partner on the Foreign Affairs Committee,

Mr. McCaul. It takes a lot of courage to do what he did today, and I

thank him for it. That is why, as he and I both mentioned, we are proud

that the Foreign Affairs Committee is perhaps the most bipartisan

committee in Congress.

When we go abroad, partisanship should stop at the water's edge. We

all, Democrat and Republican, feel outraged at what the President did.

We all feel that our allies need to be supported. That transcends any

kind of partisan politics.

Mr. Speaker, I urge all of our colleagues to support this bipartisan

measure, and I yield back the balance of my time.

The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion offered by the

gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel) that the House suspend the rules

and pass the joint resolution, \[H.J. Res. 77\](https://www.congress.gov/bill/116th-congress/house-joint-resolution/77).

The question was taken.

The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the opinion of the Chair, two-thirds

being in the affirmative, the ayes have it.

Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

The yeas and nays were ordered.

The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, further

proceedings on this motion will be postponed.

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