SYRIA; Congressional Record Vol. 160, No. 78
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SYRIA
Mr. McCAIN. The Middle East today is engulfed in an escalating
regional conflict. The space for moderate politics in country after
country is collapsing, and a process of radicalization is increasingly
destabilizing the entire region. At the center of this growing conflict
stands Syria, where for over 3 years now the Syrian people have faced
an onslaught of unspeakable violence from President Bashar al-Assad and
his forces.
As of today more than 160,000 Syrians have been killed, over half of
the population is in urgent need of humanitarian assistance, and 9.3
million people have been driven from their homes in what the United
Nations has described \\\`\\\`as the greatest humanitarian tragedy of our
times.'' To give some sense for the scale of the growing refugee
crisis, there are now 1 million registered Syrian refugees in Lebanon.
That makes up one-fourth of the total population of the country. This
does not include the thousands who are living there unofficially and
unregistered. This is as if the entire population of Canada were
uprooted and became refugees in the United States of America--twice
over.
Without understanding the scale, it is hard to comprehend the stress
on resources and the escalating tensions that these refugees have
caused in neighboring countries. Can you imagine what we would do as
Americans if we were dealing with the entire population of Canada
living as refugees in our country? Inside Syria, they are confronted
with the inhumane cruelty of Mr. Assad and his forces every day.
We have seen evidence of this systematic abuse, torture, starvation,
and killing of approximately 100,000 detainees, in what clearly amounts
to war crimes and crimes against humanity. The United Nations has
detailed the further arrest, detention, torture, and sexual abuse of
thousands of children by government forces. Human Rights Watch has
documented how Syrian authorities have deliberately used explosives and
bulldozers to demolish entire neighborhoods for no military reason
whatsoever, just as a form of collective punishment of Syrian
civilians.
The United Nations has also documented the toll of the Syrian
government's air strike campaign, and, in particular, the regime's use
of crude cluster munitions that have become known as barrel bombs.
Their sole purpose is to maim, kill, and terrorize as many civilians as
possible when indiscriminately dropped on schools, bakeries, and
mosques.
Worse yet, evidence is piling up that Assad's forces have been
equipping these barrel bombs with chlorine gas. Just last week French
Foreign Minister Laurent Fabius said that France has evidence of at
least 14 chlorine-based chemical attacks carried out by Syrian
Government forces since 2013, adding, \\\`\\\`The regime is still capable of
producing chemical weapons and is determined to use them.''
Around the same time, a senior Israeli defense official stated that
\\\`\\\`from the day that he signed the deal, Assad has used chemical weapons
over thirty times, and in every case citizens were killed.''
The State Department has further verified these reports, stating
there
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were \\\`\\\`indications'' of the use of chlorine--though it was quick to
point out that this is not one of the chemicals Syria was obliged to
surrender.
So it appears that we are faced with a situation in which the Assad
regime has agreed to give up certain chemical weapons after using them
to murder nearly 1,400 civilians last year, but it is also using other
chemicals--less lethal but nonetheless effective--to continue gassing
civilians to death, and the world does nothing about it. Why? Because
technically this is permitted under the chemical weapons agreement.
That is shameful and outrageous.
What is more, months after the deadline for removing all of its
chemical weapons stockpiles, the Syrian Government has yet to fulfill
its obligations under the treaty and is using its remaining stockpiles
to bargain over the terms of the original agreement in the hopes of
retaining its storage and production facilities.
As we are once again faced with images of men, women, and children
writhing on the ground and gasping for breath, Assad appears to be
disregarding some of his chemical weapons commitments and continuing to
commit mass atrocities. Again, redlines are tested and crossed, and the
United States of America and the world do nothing.
These are just some of the many reasons our Director of National
Intelligence referred to the Syria crisis as \\\`\\\`an apocalyptic
disaster.'' But this apocalyptic disaster in Syria is no longer just a
humanitarian tragedy for one country; it is a regional conflict and an
emerging national security threat to us all. No one should believe that
we will be immune to what is happening in Syria. None of us are.
For those of you who look at these far-away events and say what
Neville Chamberlain once told himself about a different problem from
Hell in an earlier time--that this is \\\`\\\`a quarrel in a far away country
between people of whom we know nothing''--don't think that events in
Syria won't have repercussions much closer to home. The terrorist
sanctuary that Al Qaeda and its associated forces now enjoy in Syria
and Iraq increasingly pose a direct threat to U.S. national security
and that of our closest allies and partners. Indeed, the Secretary of
Homeland Security, Mr. Jeh Johnson, has said, \\\`\\\`Syria is now a matter
of homeland security.'' The Director of National Intelligence, James
Clapper, has also repeatedly warned that Al Qaeda-affiliated terrorists
in Syria now aspire to attack the homeland.
If the September 11 attacks should have taught us anything, it is
that global terrorists who occupy ungoverned spaces and seek to plot
and plan attacks against us can pose a direct threat to our national
security. That was Afghanistan on September 10, 2001, and that is what
top officials in this administration are now warning us Syria is
becoming today.
The latest U.S. intelligence estimates say that more than 100
Americans have traveled to fight in Syria alongside extremists, joining
some of the most dangerous terrorist organizations in the world today.
Earlier this month, FBI Director James Comey stated:
All of us with a memory of the '80s and '90s saw the line
drawn from Afghanistan to September 11. We see Syria as that,
but an order of magnitude worse in a couple of respects: Far
more people are going there, and far easier to travel to and
back from.
Already, senior intelligence officials believe that between 6 and 12
Americans who have gone to Syria to fight have now returned to America,
possibly with the intention to carry out attacks here. \\\`\\\`We know where
some are,'' stated one senior U.S. intelligence official. Some? But
what about the others? Does that reassure you?
The sheer scale of foreign fighters with Western passports traveling
to fight in Syria has our senior-most intelligence officers worrying
about how easy it would be for these people to slip through the cracks.
In March the Director of the National Counterterrorism Center, Matthew
Olsen, testified that the NSA simply does not have the ability to track
the thousands of jihadists now flocking to Syria. He testified:
This raises our concern that radicalized individuals with
extremist contacts and battlefield experience could return to
their home countries to commit violence on their own
initiative or participate in al Qaeda-directed plots aimed at
Western targets outside of Syria.
First indoctrinated, then trained and equipped, the foreign fighters
now joining groups such as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, known
as ISIS--a group who proved too radical even for Al Qaeda's senior
leadership--presents a challenge that rises above a mere
counterterrorism problem. ISIS no longer exists in small, concentrated
cells, conducting operations limited in nature and scope. It has become
a real nascent state actor, similar in organization and power to the
Taliban of the late 1990s and possessing a real army of foreign
recruits capable of carrying out attacks across the world. The
territory it possesses is no longer a safe haven within a state. It has
become a de facto state that serves as a safe haven and an even more
vibrant incubator for international terrorism than did pre-9/11
Afghanistan. It is a saddening irony that as our efforts to eradicate
the Al Qaeda safe haven in Afghanistan are proving successful, we see
an even more dangerous terrorist sanctuary emerging on the border of
Europe between Damascus and Baghdad.
My friends, here is the tragic reality of the war in Syria. After
more than 3 years of horror, suffering, devastation, and growing
threats to international security, the conflict in Syria continues to
get worse and worse both for Syria and for the world. But the United
States and the international community have no effective policy to help
bring this conflict to a responsible end. The Geneva peace talks have
failed entirely, as predicted. Ambassador Brahimi, the U.N. Special
Representative, has himself given up on the process and resigned last
week. This should surprise no one. The United States and the
international community have been reluctant to provide the opposition
with much needed material support. Meanwhile, Assad has the active
support of Hezbollah, Iran, and Russia and is using nearly every weapon
in his arsenal to kill his way to victory, and he is winning. So why
would he want to negotiate himself out of power now?
Can we finally stop hiding behind the fantasy of Geneva and admit
what has been painfully obvious from the start: that there is no hope
for a negotiated solution until the momentum on the battlefield changes
against the Assad regime. And that will only happen through greater
international intervention of some sort.
After painful and costly experiences in Iraq and Afghanistan, a war-
weary American public does not appear eager for an active,
internationalist foreign policy, and President Obama has sought to give
the American people what they want. While it is understandable and
unsurprising that the American public has been reluctant to get more
engaged with events in Syria and the wider Middle East, the tide of war
does not recede simply because we wish it so.
The outcome of the administration's disengagement has been a
consistent failure to support more responsible forces in Syria when
that support would have mattered--the descent of Syria into chaos and
growing international instability, the use of Syria as a training
ground for Al Qaeda affiliates and other terrorist organizations, the
ceding of regional leadership to our international adversaries, and the
tolerance of war crimes and crimes against humanity. In short, all of
the awful things that critics said would happen if we got more involved
in Syria have happened because we have not gotten more involved.
We continue to hear from the administration that there are no good
options in Syria\\--as if there ever were good options in the real
world--and that the only alternative to our current disengagement is a
full-scale ground invasion and war without end. The President
frequently has said as much, recently stating:
It is very difficult to imagine a scenario in which our
involvement in Syria would have led to a better outcome,
short of us being willing to undertake an effort in size and
scope similar to what we did in Iraq.
But this claim has been directly contradicted by other administration
officials who recognize that our inaction in Syria is not because we
lack options or capability but, rather, the will.
In an April 30 speech at the Holocaust Museum in Washington, our own
Ambassador to the United Nations, Samantha Power, said:
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To those who would argue that a head of state or government
has to choose only between doing nothing and sending in the
military--I maintain that is a constructed and false choice,
an accompaniment only to disengagement and passivity.
French Foreign Minister Laurent Fabius has also highlighted this
false choice, recently expressing his regrets that Western nations did
not carry out threatened airstrikes against the regime following the
August 2013 chemical attack and that more had not been done to stop the
abominable behavior of the Assad regime. He stated:
We regret it \\\[not carrying out threatened airstrikes\\\]
because we think it would have changed everything.
That is a French Foreign Minister who regrets that we didn't carry
out the airstrikes because \\\`\\\`we think it would have changed
everything.'' In his comments he made it clear that a limited surgical
strike would have made all the difference in Syria and would have
stopped the chemical attacks that continue today, saved the lives of
thousands of people, and prevented the devastating consequences that
have reverberated around the world since that red line was crossed.
It is true our options to help end the conflict in Syria were never
good, and they are much worse and fewer now. But as Mr. Fabius pointed
out, as bad as our options in Syria may be, we still have options. No
one should believe that doing something meaningful to help in Syria
requires total war or invasion. Literally no one is calling for that,
and it is intellectually dishonest to suggest so. This is not a
question of options or costs or capabilities but a question of will.
The continued violence in Syria is expected to kill tens of thousands
more and produce millions of refugees by the year's end. This is a
humanitarian tragedy, to be sure, but one with immediate strategic
consequences. The longer the devastation goes on, the more difficult it
will be to put Syria back together again. Failing to do so will leave a
dangerous conflagration in the heart of the Middle East--a failed state
at war with itself where extremism and instability will fester and
terrorists of all brands will find ample space, resources, and recruits
to menace the region and eventually attack the United States.
If ever there was a case that should remind us that our interests are
indivisible from our values, it is Syria. We cannot afford to go numb
to this human tragedy. I have seen my fair share of suffering and death
in the world, but the images and stories coming out of Syria haunt me
most. In the time I have been speaking, at least two Syrians have been
killed, 45 Syrians have become refugees, and 15 Syrian families have
been forced from their homes. In another 15 minutes from now, two more
will be killed, 45 more will become refugees, and 15 more families will
be forced from their homes. Is that acceptable to us?
Neither the United States, Europe, nor the Syrian people can afford
the cost of defeatism. The price of abandonment includes not only a
failed state in Syria but an entire region teetering on the brink of
disaster, and it means emboldening our adversaries and conceding a safe
haven and a state to the world's most dangerous terrorist groups. While
these are the real, tangible consequences we face, it also means
conceding the moral sources of our great power and giving up on every
principle our Nation was built on.
All of us, Americans and Europeans, must recognize that our power
confers a responsibility on us. If the most powerful nations in the
world have the capabilities and the options to help bring to an end one
of the most horrific mass atrocities in modern times, what does it say
about us that we have not done so? History will render a bitter and
scathing judgment on America and the world for our failure in Syria,
and I pray we will finally recognize that and take the necessary
actions to help the Syrian people write a better end to this sad
chapter of world affairs.
Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the
Record two articles, one entitled \\\`\\\`FBI Director: Number of Americans
traveling to fight in Syria increasing,'' and the other entitled
\\\`\\\`Exclusive: Al Qaeda's American Fighters Are Coming Home--and U.S.
Intelligence Can't Find Them.''
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in
the Record, as follows:
\\\[From the Washington Post, May 2, 2014\\\]
FBI Director: Number of Americans Traveling to Fight in Syria
Increasing
(By Sari Horwitz and Adam Goldman)
FBI Director James B. Comey said Friday that the problem of
Americans traveling to Syria to fight in the civil war there
has worsened in recent months and remains a major concern to
U.S. law enforcement and intelligence officials.
In a wide-ranging interview with reporters at FBI
headquarters, Comey said the FBI is worried that the
Americans who have joined extremist groups allied with al-
Qaeda in Syria will return to the United States to carry out
terrorist attacks.
\\\`\\\`All of us with a memory of the '80s and '90s saw the line
drawn from Afghanistan in the '80s and '90s to Sept. 11,''
Comey said. \\\`\\\`We see Syria as that, but an order of magnitude
worse in a couple of respects. Far more people going there.
Far easier to travel to and back from. So, there's going to
be a diaspora out of Syria at some point and we are
determined not to let lines be drawn from Syria today to a
future 9/11.''
Comey declined to give a precise figure for Americans
believed to be involved in the Syrian struggle but said the
numbers are \\\`\\\`getting worse.''
\\\`\\\`I said dozens last time,'' said Comey, referring to an
interview with reporters four months ago. \\\`\\\`It's still
dozens, just a couple more dozen.''
A senior U.S. counterterrorism official estimated this year
that 60 to 70 Americans have traveled to fight in Syria.
Comey said that Americans in Syria are actively recruiting
other Americans to join the fight.
Comey said the threat associated with foreign fighters in
Syria is of concern not only to the United States but also is
\\\`\\\`a huge focus'' of European intelligence officials.
\\\`\\\`It's the first thing we talk about when I go visit a
counterpart,'' said Comey, who has visited 13 FBI legal
attache offices abroad since he became director in September.
Comey said thousands of fighters are traveling to Syria
from European countries, and they are a focus for the FBI
because many of them could easily get into the United States.
\\\`\\\`They're visa-waiver countries,'' Comey said. \\\`\\\`If someone
flows out of Syria, they can flow in here very easily.''
Comey said the al-Qaeda affiliate in Yemen remains the
greatest threat to the United States. He said the terrorist
group is bent on attacking America and that he was very
concerned about the group's bombmaking expertise.
\\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_
\\\[From the Daily Beast, May 20, 2014\\\]
Exclusive: Al Qaeda's American Fighters Are Coming Home--And U.S.
Intelligence Can't Find Them
(By Eli Lake)
The number of American extremists who have flocked to Syria
is higher than previously understood, American intelligence
sources say. And some of the fighters are coming home.
Western intelligence services have been warning that
European and American jihadists have been flocking to Syria
to fight. But they've been reluctant to say how many
Americans have joined the extremist forces there--until now.
The latest U.S. intelligence estimates say that more than 100
Americans have joined the jihad in Syria to fight alongside
Sunni terrorists there.
Senior American intelligence officials tell The Daily Beast
that they believe between six and 12 Americans who have gone
to Syria to fight Assad have now returned to America. \\\`\\\`We
know where some are,'' one senior U.S. intelligence official
told The Daily Beast. \\\`\\\`The concern is the scale of the
problem we are dealing with.''
The scale of that problem by all accounts has gotten worse.
Last fall, the official U.S. estimate on Americans
specifically who have joined the jihad in Syria was in the
low double digits. In January, the New York Times reported
that at least 70 Americans have either traveled or attempted
to travel to Syria. Earlier this month FBI Director James
Comey told reporters that he believed \\\`\\\`dozens'' of Americans
were suspected to be foreign fighters in Syria, but declined
to give a more precise number.
In recent months, the U.S. intelligence community has made
the tracking of all Westerners going to fight into Syria a
top priority. Speaking in March before the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee, Matthew Olsen, the director of the
National Counter-Terrorism Center, described in vague terms
an effort by the whole government to find Western citizens
traveling to Syria and to track their travel.
\\\`\\\`In light of the large foreign fighter component in Syria
crisis, we are working together to gather every piece of
information we can about the identity of these individuals,''
he said at the time.
More recently, the issue of Western foreign fighters came
up in top-level meetings between the Syrian opposition
delegation and the Obama administration last week to
Washington, D.C.
\\\`\\\`We view all foreign fighters as a threat and they are not
welcome. There is a convergence of interests between the
moderate Syrian opposition and the international community in
fighting these foreign fighters and insuring they do not use
Syria as a launching pad for external attacks,'' said Oubai
Shabandar, a strategic communications adviser to the Syrian
opposition's foreign mission in Washington. \\\`\\\`This was a
major topic
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of conversation this month in meetings with the Syrian
opposition delegation and top U.S. officials.''
The problem, U.S. counter-terrorism and intelligence
officials tell The Daily Beast, is that there are just so
many jihadists with Western passports traveling to fight in
Syria that they worry some of them may slip back into the
United States without being detected.
\\\`\\\`The NSA does not have the ability to track thousands of
bad guys--and on the human intelligence side, this is even
more difficult,'' another senior U.S. intelligence official
told The Daily Beast. \\\`\\\`So we are worried that people are
slipping through the cracks.''
Olsen in his March testimony said there were thousands of
foreign fighters in Syria and that hundreds of those fighters
held Western passports.
\\\`\\\`This raises our concern that radicalized individuals with
extremist contacts and battlefield experience could return to
their home countries to commit violence on their own
initiative or participate in al Qaeda-directed plots aimed at
Western targets outside of Syria,'' he said. Olsen also said
that a group of \\\`\\\`al Qaeda veterans'' from Afghanistan and
Pakistan have gone to Syria, making the prospect of
recruiting new members for the organization even more likely.
Aaron Zelin, a senior fellow at the Washington Institute
for Near East Policy who closely tracks the flow of foreign
fighters into Syria, said, \\\`\\\`In the past when we've seen
Americans go abroad to fight in foreign countries and a
number of individuals have been trained to go back to attempt
attacks on the homeland.'' The best example he said is Faisal
al-Shahzad, the Pakistani American who traveled to Taliban
training camps in Pakistan and then attempted to set off a
bomb in Times Square in 2010. Al-Shahzad failed to properly
detonate his bomb and was reported to the New York police by
a Muslim-American street vendor.
\\\`\\\`It's not just Americans who are going to Syria, but there
are up to 3,000 European citizens from countries that have
visa waivers with the United States who have also joined the
jihad in Syria,'' Zelin said. \\\`\\\`This is why so many Western
counter-terrorism officials are so worried, it's much easier
to get into our country with a Western passport.''
Those Americans that have gone off to fight in Syria also
do not fit the typical terrorist profile. Last May, the
Detroit Free Press reported that Nicole Lynn Mansfield, a
convert to Islam, was killed in fighting in Syria fighting
Assad. In April of 2013, a federal court charged Eric
Harroun, a former U.S. Army private, with firing a rocket-
propelled grenade while fighting alongside al-Nusra, al
Qaeda's official affiliate in Syria. If U.S. intelligence
estimates are correct, these cases could be unfortunate
harbingers of things to come.
Mr. McCAIN. Madam President, I yield the floor.
المعلومات الأساسية
تاريخ الصدور
iranDocument
نوع الوثيقة
اللغة
كود الذاكرة السورية
الجهة المصدرة
وثائق أخرى للجهة المصدرة
UKRAINE; Congressional Record Vol. 168, No. 43
نوع الوثيقة:
كلمة / إحاطة
الجهة المصدرة:
مجلس النواب الأمريكي - الكونغرس الأمريكي
تاريخ الصدور:
2022/03/10
Syria (Executive Session); Congressional Record Vol. 168, No. 22
نوع الوثيقة:
كلمة / إحاطة
الجهة المصدرة:
مجلس النواب الأمريكي - الكونغرس الأمريكي
تاريخ الصدور:
2022/02/03
Foreign Policy (Executive Calendar); Congressional Record Vol. 168, No. 55
نوع الوثيقة:
كلمة / إحاطة
الجهة المصدرة:
مجلس النواب الأمريكي - الكونغرس الأمريكي
تاريخ الصدور:
2022/03/29
Expressing the sense of the Senate condemning the Russian Federation
نوع الوثيقة:
قرار
الجهة المصدرة:
مجلس النواب الأمريكي - الكونغرس الأمريكي
تاريخ الصدور:
2022/03/15
COMMEMORATING THE 11-YEAR ANNIVERSARY OF THE CONFLICT IN SYRIA; Congressional Record Vol. 168, No. 54
نوع الوثيقة:
كلمة / إحاطة
الجهة المصدرة:
مجلس النواب الأمريكي - الكونغرس الأمريكي
تاريخ الصدور:
2022/03/28
H.R.7276 — 117th Congress (2021-2022)
نوع الوثيقة:
قرار
الجهة المصدرة:
مجلس النواب الأمريكي - الكونغرس الأمريكي
تاريخ الصدور:
2022/04/07
H.Res.1038 — 117th Congress (2021-2022)
نوع الوثيقة:
قرار
الجهة المصدرة:
مجلس النواب الأمريكي - الكونغرس الأمريكي
تاريخ الصدور:
2022/04/06
شهادة أندرو إكسوم (Andrew Exum) نائب مساعد وزير الدفاع لسياسات الشرق الأوسط أمام الكونغرس حول الاتفاق مع روسيا لمنع سقوط نظام الأسد
نوع الوثيقة:
شهادة
الجهة المصدرة:
مجلس النواب الأمريكي - الكونغرس الأمريكي
تاريخ الصدور:
2019/05/09
UKRAINE INVASION WAR CRIMES DETERRENCE AND ACCOUNTABILITY ACT; Congressional Record Vol. 168, No. 61
نوع الوثيقة:
كلمة / إحاطة
الجهة المصدرة:
مجلس النواب الأمريكي - الكونغرس الأمريكي
تاريخ الصدور:
2022/04/06
Recognizing the 11th anniversary of the Syrian revolution against Bashar al-Assad.
نوع الوثيقة:
قرار
الجهة المصدرة:
مجلس النواب الأمريكي - الكونغرس الأمريكي
تاريخ الصدور:
2022/03/15
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