ESTABLISHING A SYRIAN WAR CRIMES TRIBUNAL?; Congressional Record Vol. 159, No. 164
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ESTABLISHING A SYRIAN WAR CRIMES TRIBUNAL?
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HON. CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH
of new jersey
in the house of representatives
Monday, November 18, 2013
Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. Speaker, the two-year-old Syrian civil
war has produced increasingly horrific human rights violations,
including summary executions, torture and rape. Most recently, both
government and rebel forces have targeted medical and humanitarian aid
personnel. Snipers are reportedly targeting pregnant women and
children. Since the Syrian civil war began, more than 100,000 people
have been killed and nearly seven million people have been forced to
leave their homes. By December of this year, it is estimated that
neighboring countries such as Turkey, Lebanon and Iraq could see as
many as 3.5 million Syrian refugees.
Those who have perpetrated human rights violations among the Syrian
government, the rebels and the foreign fighters on both sides of this
conflict must be shown that their actions will have serious
consequences.
\[H. Con. Res. 51\](https://www.congress.gov/bill/113th-congress/house-concurrent-resolution/51), introduced on September 9th, calls for the creation
of an international tribunal that would be more flexible and more
efficient than the International Criminal Court to ensure
accountability for human rights violations committed by all sides. This
hearing will examine the diplomatic, political, legal and logistical
issues necessary for the establishment of such a court. Today's hearing
will examine controversial issues such as sovereignty, the ICC versus
ad hoc regional tribunals and the sponsorship of such a tribunal.
Perhaps the most famous war crimes tribunals were the Nuremburg and
Tokyo trials--the post-World War II trials of Axis military officers
and government functionaries responsible for almost unimaginable crimes
against humanity. The Cold War rivalry between the United States and
the former Soviet Union prevented the international cooperation
necessary for war crimes tribunals to be convened by the United
Nations. After the end of that international political conflict, there
have been three particularly notable international tribunals to hold
accountable those guilty of genocide or crimes against humanity: in the
former Yugoslavia, in Rwanda and in Sierra Leone.
Each of these tribunals has achieved a level of success that has
escaped the International Criminal Court. The Yugoslavia tribunal has
won 69 convictions, the Rwanda tribunal has won 47 convictions and the
Sierra Leone tribunal has won 16 convictions. Meanwhile, the ICC--
costing about $140 million annually--has thus far seen only one
conviction.
The ICC process is distant and has no local ownership of its justice
process. It is less flexible than an ad hoc tribunal, which can be
designed to fit the situation. The ICC requires a referral. In the case
of the President and Deputy President of Kenya, it was Kenya itself
that facilitated the referral. That is highly unlikely in the case of
Syria. Russia in the UN Security Council would likely oppose any
referral of the Syria matter to the ICC, but might be convinced to
support an ad hoc proceeding that focuses on war crimes by the
government and rebels--one that allows for plea bargaining for
witnesses and other legal negotiations to enable such a court to
successfully punish at least some of the direct perpetrators of
increasingly horrific crimes. And Syria, like the United States, never
ratified the Rome Statute that created the ICC, which raises legitimate
concerns about sovereignty with implications for our country which this
panel will also address.
There are issues that must be addressed for any Syria war crimes
tribunal to be created and to operate successfully. There must be
sustained international will for it to happen in a meaningful way. An
agreed-upon system of law must be the basis for proceedings. An agreed-
upon structure, a funding mechanism and a location for the proceedings
must be found. There must be a determination on which and how many
targets of justice will be pursued. A timetable and time span of such a
tribunal must be devised. And there are even more issues that must be
settled before such an ad hoc tribunal can exist.
David Crane, one of today's witnesses, has suggested five potential
mechanisms for a Syrian war crimes tribunal: An ad hoc court created by
the United Nations; a regional court authorized by a treaty with a
regional body; an internationalized domestic court; a domestic court
comprised by Syrian nationals within a Syrian justice system; or the
ICC.
Each of these first four models have some benefits--some more than
others. The ICC can be ruled out, and a domestic court in the near
future seems highly unlikely. However, we are not here today to decide
which of these models will be chosen. Rather, our objective in a
hearing I held last month was to promote the concept of a Syria war
crimes tribunal whatever form it eventually takes.
Again, those who are even now perpetrating crimes against humanity
must be told that their crimes will not continue with impunity. Syria
has been called the world's worst humanitarian crisis. According to the
World Health Organization, an epidemic of polio has broken out in
northern Syria because of declining vaccination rates. One might
reasonably also consider it the worst human rights crisis in the world
today. Therefore, the international community owes it to the people of
Syria and their neighbors to do all we can to bring to a halt the
actions creating these crises for Syria and the region.
At last month's hearing, we assembled a distinguished panel to
discuss the pros and cons of creating and sustaining a Syrian war
crimes tribunal. This was not an academic exercise. We must understand
the difficulties of making accountability for war crimes in Syria a
reality. Therefore, we must understand the challenges involved so that
we can meet and overcome them and give hope to the terrorized people of
Syria. Their suffering must end, and the beginning of that end could
come through the results of last month's proceeding.
المعلومات الأساسية
تاريخ الصدور
iranDocument
نوع الوثيقة
اللغة
كود الذاكرة السورية
الجهة المصدرة
وثائق أخرى للجهة المصدرة
UKRAINE; Congressional Record Vol. 168, No. 43
نوع الوثيقة:
كلمة / إحاطة
الجهة المصدرة:
مجلس النواب الأمريكي - الكونغرس الأمريكي
تاريخ الصدور:
2022/03/10
Syria (Executive Session); Congressional Record Vol. 168, No. 22
نوع الوثيقة:
كلمة / إحاطة
الجهة المصدرة:
مجلس النواب الأمريكي - الكونغرس الأمريكي
تاريخ الصدور:
2022/02/03
Foreign Policy (Executive Calendar); Congressional Record Vol. 168, No. 55
نوع الوثيقة:
كلمة / إحاطة
الجهة المصدرة:
مجلس النواب الأمريكي - الكونغرس الأمريكي
تاريخ الصدور:
2022/03/29
Expressing the sense of the Senate condemning the Russian Federation
نوع الوثيقة:
قرار
الجهة المصدرة:
مجلس النواب الأمريكي - الكونغرس الأمريكي
تاريخ الصدور:
2022/03/15
COMMEMORATING THE 11-YEAR ANNIVERSARY OF THE CONFLICT IN SYRIA; Congressional Record Vol. 168, No. 54
نوع الوثيقة:
كلمة / إحاطة
الجهة المصدرة:
مجلس النواب الأمريكي - الكونغرس الأمريكي
تاريخ الصدور:
2022/03/28
H.R.7276 — 117th Congress (2021-2022)
نوع الوثيقة:
قرار
الجهة المصدرة:
مجلس النواب الأمريكي - الكونغرس الأمريكي
تاريخ الصدور:
2022/04/07
H.Res.1038 — 117th Congress (2021-2022)
نوع الوثيقة:
قرار
الجهة المصدرة:
مجلس النواب الأمريكي - الكونغرس الأمريكي
تاريخ الصدور:
2022/04/06
شهادة أندرو إكسوم (Andrew Exum) نائب مساعد وزير الدفاع لسياسات الشرق الأوسط أمام الكونغرس حول الاتفاق مع روسيا لمنع سقوط نظام الأسد
نوع الوثيقة:
شهادة
الجهة المصدرة:
مجلس النواب الأمريكي - الكونغرس الأمريكي
تاريخ الصدور:
2019/05/09
UKRAINE INVASION WAR CRIMES DETERRENCE AND ACCOUNTABILITY ACT; Congressional Record Vol. 168, No. 61
نوع الوثيقة:
كلمة / إحاطة
الجهة المصدرة:
مجلس النواب الأمريكي - الكونغرس الأمريكي
تاريخ الصدور:
2022/04/06
Recognizing the 11th anniversary of the Syrian revolution against Bashar al-Assad.
نوع الوثيقة:
قرار
الجهة المصدرة:
مجلس النواب الأمريكي - الكونغرس الأمريكي
تاريخ الصدور:
2022/03/15
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